Publico aqui uma entrevista dada à esta Iniciativa norte-americana que abre espaço para pensamentos que vem de fora do âmbito acadêmico normal mas que levam as pessoas a pensar. Lboff

Liberation Ecology

Leonardo Boff

Theology can play a central role in defining the moral fiber of a society, including its commitment to poverty alleviation and stewardship of Earth. Allen White, Senior Fellow at Tellus Institute, talks with Leonardo Boff, a founder of liberation theology, about the origins of the movement and the vital connections between ecology and social justice.


Half a century ago, you were among a small group of theologians who were instrumental in conceptualizing liberation theology. What spurred this synthesis of thought and action that challenged the orthodoxy of both Church and State?

Liberation theology is not a discipline. It is a different way of practicing theology. It does not start from existing theological traditions and then focus on the poor and excluded populations of society. Its core is the struggle of the poor to free themselves from the conditions of poverty. Liberation theology does not seek to act for the poor via welfarism or paternalism. Instead, it seeks to act with the poor to tap their wisdom in changing their life and livelihood.

How, then, do we act with them? By seeing the poor and oppressed through their own eyes, not with those of an outsider. We must discover and understand their values, such as solidarity and the joy of living, which to some extent have been lost by society’s privileged. Some of those who subscribe to liberation theology choose to live like the poor, sharing life in the slums and participating in residents’ organizations and projects. This method can be described as “see, judge, act, and celebrate.” Seeing the reality of the poor firsthand awakens an outsider to the inadequacy of his perceptions and doctrines for judging it and how to change it. This occurs in two ways: first, through understanding the mechanisms that generate poverty and, second, by awakening to the fact that poverty and oppression contradict God’s plan and that actions must thus be taken to eliminate them.

How does this understanding and awakening manifest itself?

Following understanding and awakening is action: How can we work with the poor to end oppression and achieve social justice? The opposite of poverty is not wealth but justice. This commitment to action spurred the birth of thousands of ecclesiastical communities, Bible circles, and centers for the defense of human rights, all focused on the rights of the poor, the landless, and the homeless, and the advancement of people of African descent, the indigenous, women, and other marginalized groups. These expressions of liberation theology are not rooted in rituals, but rather in the celebration of life and its victories in light of the Gospel. This approach is visible in the words and actions of Pope Francis, particularly in his encyclical Laudato Si’: On Care for Our Common Home. This style of theology has created a type of priest and religious life that unites faith and social commitment to the poor and welcomes all who wish to participate. This method of living and thinking faith has helped the Church to better understand the reality of the poor and to shift away from doctrines and rituals. The Church of Liberation helped found political parties such as the Workers’ Party of former president Lula in Brazil that embody the commitment to social change that Jesus viewed as essential to a more just and fraternal society. This kind of thinking encouraged Latin American countries to introduce social policies that embraced millions of people who previously lived on the margins and in misery.

What led you to such social activism?

What drove my commitment to social change was my work in the slums of Brazil. The poor were our teachers and doctors. They challenged us to answer the question, how can our Christian faith inspire us to look for a different, more just world where brotherhood and sisterhood are deeper and richer and love is made easier? It was not the politics and works of Karl Marx, Johann Baptist Metz, or Jürgen Moltmann that inspired us to get close to the poor. Marx was neither father nor godfather of liberation theology, though he has helped us in fundamental ways. He showed how poverty results from the way society is organized to exploit and oppress the weakest among us, and he called attention to the fact that the ruling classes, in conjunction with certain segments of the Church, manipulated the Christian faith to be a source of passivity rather than a force for indignation, resistance, and liberation.

In the 1950s and 1960s, liberation theology took root most deeply in Latin America, especially in Brazil. Why this region, and why this country?

The Church in Brazil in the 1950s and 1960s was unique in Latin America and, I would say, even the world. We had many prophetic bishops who opposed the military dictatorships, denounced torture, and publicly defended human rights. Thanks to the great Bishop Hélder Câmara, a coordinated pastoral meeting was organized for the first time. It involved more than 300 bishops and led to the creation of the National Conference of Bishops, which, in turn, developed strategies for social change that became widely adopted. For a long time, the Conference advocated for basic social justice and agrarian reform.

This initiative led to a shift away from the concept of “development of underdevelopment,” which draws attention to the historic and structural roots of underdevelopment, to a focus on the process of liberation. The educator Paulo Freire, author of Pedagogy of the Oppressed and Education as the Practice of Freedom, helped to shape the minds of bishops, theologians, and pastors. It marked the beginning in Brazil, and soon Peru, of liberation theology as a foundational concept in the Catholic Church.

In 2009, you wrote that “everyone must be freed from this system that has continued for three centuries and has been imposed across the planet.” What is the “system,” and what makes escape so urgent?

Every modern society is indebted to the founding fathers of the Enlightenment worldview beginning in the seventeenth century with Descartes, Newton, Bacon, and others. Together, their work gave rise to the idea of conquest of people and the Earth. The Earth was no longer viewed as the great Mother, alive and purposeful. Instead, it was reduced to something to be exploited by humans for wealth accumulation. In the capitalist system that emerged out of this, value is ascribed to accumulated capital rather than to work, now simply a vehicle for such accumulation. This system creates vast economic inequalities as well as political, social, and ethnic injustices. Its political manifestation is liberal democracy, in which freedom is equated with the freedom to exploit nature and accumulate wealth. This system has been imposed worldwide and has created a culture of limitless private accumulation and consumption. Today, we realize that a finite Earth cannot support endless growth that overshoots the Earth’s biophysical limits and threatens long-term human survival and Mother Earth’s bounty.

Your recent writings suggest that ecology should be an additional pillar of the movement. What is the connection between ecology and social justice?

The core of liberation theology is the empowerment of the poor to end poverty and achieve the freedom to live a good life. In the 1980s, we realized that the logic supporting exploitation of workers was the same as that supporting the exploitation of the earth. Out of this insight, a vigorous liberation eco-theology was born. To make this movement effective, it is important to create a new paradigm rooted in cosmology, biology, and complexity theory. A global vision of reality must always be open to creating new forms of order within which human life can evolve. The vision of James Lovelock and V. I. Vernadsky helped us see not only that life exists on Earth, but also that Earth itself is a living organism. The human being is the highest expression of Earth’s creation by virtue of our capacity to feel, think, love, and worship.

After publication of your 1984 book Church: Charisma and Power, the Vatican prohibited your writing and teaching, a turning point in the strained relationship between liberation theology and the Church. How did you respond to this?

The imposition of “silentium obsequiosum” in 1985 by the Vatican forbade me from speaking and writing. That is when I began to study ecology, Earth science, and their relation to human activity. This coincided with an invitation to participate in a small, international group convened by Mikhail Gorbachev and Steven Rockefeller to explore universal values and principles essential for saving Earth from the multiple threats she faces. I had the opportunity to meet leading scientists while actively participating in drafting a text that significantly inspired Pope Francis’s recent encyclical, Laudato Si’. I was determined to ensure that the views of the Earth Charter would be based on a new paradigm incorporating the interdependency of all creatures—indeed the whole living fabric—and the need for mutual care. This paradigm must extend beyond a purely environmental ecology to an “integral ecology” that includes society, human consciousness, education, daily life, and spirituality.

This must start with the new paradigm for physical reality that has emerged from the thinking of Albert Einstein, Niels Bohr, Werner Heisenberg, Stephen Hawking, Brian Swimme, Ilya Prigogine, Humberto Maturana, Christian de Duve, and many others who see the universe as a process of cosmogenesis—expanding, self-regenerating orders of increasing complexity. The basic law governing this cosmological vision is that everything has to do with everything else at all times and in all circumstances. Nothing is outside this integrated vision. Knowledge and science are interlinked to form a greater whole. Contrary to the earlier atomized paradigm, this helps us develop a holistic view of a world in continuous motion. Mutation, not stability, is the natural state of the universe and Earth. And we humans are intrinsic to this process. So I believe there are four major trends in ecological thinking: environmental, social, mental, and integral. Together, these form a reality in which the component parts are dynamically in tune with each other.

Do you see elements of liberation theology in Pope Francis’s recent encyclical Laudato Si’?

The encyclical Laudato Si´ is the fruit of the theological ecology that developed in recent years in Latin America. The Pope adopted the method of “see, judge, act, and celebrate” and used it to organize the encyclical. He makes use of the basic categories that we used in Latin America, such as the “relatedness of all with all,” the focus on the poor and the vulnerable, the intrinsic value of every being, the ethics of care and collective responsibility, and—especially—the condemnation of the system that produces the cry of the poor and the cry of the earth, a system that is anti-life, perhaps even suicidal. The document is full of the resonances of liberation theology and encourages liberation theologians as well as like-minded churches and theology everywhere.

Many view religion in the contemporary world as a source of strife and exclusion rather than the harmony and inclusiveness needed to foster global solidarity. Do such critics of religion have a valid point?

Almost all religions show signs of the sickness of fundamentalism. Fundamentalism is not a doctrine but a way of understanding doctrine. Fundamentalists think that their doctrine and their truth is the only one. Others are wrong and deserve no rights. From these conflicts is born the bloodshed we know too well, conflicts pursued in God’s name. But this is a pathology that does not eliminate the true nature of religion. Everything healthy can get sick. That is what is happening today. On the other hand, compare the conflicts driven by fundamentalism with the hopefulness of leaders like the Dalai Lama, Desmond Tutu, and Pope Francis, who are clamoring for cooperation among religions and spiritual paths to help overcome the current ecological crisis.

What is your view on the prospects for a progressive transformation of religious institutions and for the overall shift in of planetary civilization we call the Great Transition? And what role would religious institutions play in this transformation?

I think the legacy of the financial crisis is the insight that the global capitalist system met its limit in 2007–2008. More than an economic crisis, it was a crisis of Earth’s limited resources. Shortly after the onset of the financial crisis, scientists announced the infamous Earth Overshoot Day, calling attention to the fact that the pressure we put on Earth exceeds its biocapacity. But this moment, which should have provoked reflection on our profound lack of environmental consciousness, passed with little public reaction.

Because of the inseparability of the ecological and the social, the looming depletion of resources could lead to social unrest of great proportions. Today, at least forty armed conflicts afflict the world. Our system does not have the tools to solve the problems it has created. As Albert Einstein eloquently stated, “We cannot solve the problems using the same kind of thinking we used when we created them.”

We have to think and act differently. The Earth Charter explicitly states, and Pope Francis has repeated, “Common destiny beckons us to seek a new beginning. This requires a change in the mind and in the heart. It requires a new sense of global interdependence and universal responsibility to reach a sustainable way of life locally, regionally, nationally and globally.” This is the foundation for a different way of inhabiting the Common Home in which material resources are finite. In contrast, human and spiritual capital are inexhaustible because they are intangible and include limitless values such as love, solidarity, compassion, reverence, and care. This places life at the center: the life of Mother Earth, the life of nature, and human life.

Leonardo Boff is the founder of the liberation theology movement. He entered the Franciscan Order in 1959 and was ordained a priest in 1964. He is a co-author of the Earth Charter and the author of more than eighty works, including Jesus Christ Liberator: A Critical Christology for Our Time; Church, Charisma and Power: Liberation Theology and the Institutional Church; Ecology: Cry of the Earth, Cry of the Poor; and Essential Care: An Ethics of Human Nature.Cite as Leonardo Boff, “Liberation Ecology,” Great Transition Initiative (August 2016), http://www.greattransition.org/publication/liberation-ecology.


Every so often the plutocracy attempts a coup

The Brazilian plutocracy (the 71,440 multimillionaires, according to IPEA) has little imagination. It uses the same methods, the same language, the same pharisaic recourse to moralism and combating corruption to hide their own corruption and to mount a coup against democracy, in order to protect their privileges. Whenever a democracy emerges that is open to social issues, plutocrats are filled with fright. They organize a collection of forces that includes sectors of politics, of judicial power, the MPF, the Federal Police, and principally, of the conservative and reactionary press, as is the case of the O Globo conglomerate. They did the same thing with Getulio Vargas, Joao (Jango) Goulart; and now with Lula da Silva and with Dilma Rousseff.

In an interview with la Folha de São Paulo (04/24/2016), Jesse Souza, author of The Stupidity of Brazilian Intelligence, (La estupidez de la inteligencia brasilera, Leya, 2015), a book that deserves to be read, with a critical mind, correctly wrote: «Our moneyed elite has never been committed to the destiny of the country. Brazil is the stage of a dispute between these two projects: the dream of a big and powerful country for the majority, and the reality of a rapacious elite wanting to siphon off everyone’s labor and plunder the wealth of the country to fill the pockets of the half dozen. The moneyed elite rules for the simple fact that it is able to “buy” all the other elites» (Who made the coup and against whom).

In the current process of impeachment, the removal of President Dilma Rousseff, they had a powerful ally: the State’s judicial-police complex, that replaced the bayonets. The vice-president usurped the title of president and mounted a pantomime ministry with several corrupt ministers, and weakened the ministries of culture, communications, and the secretary of human rights of the Blacks and of women, criminally cutting the budgets of health, education, attacking the rights of the workers, the minimum wage, labor legislation, retirement and other social benefits, that were created during the two previous regimes.

Behind the parliamentary coup are the forces mentioned by Jesse Souza. Pope Francis said it well to Leticia Sabatella two months ago, when Sabatella and another famous jurist had an audience with the Pope in Rome, and she shared the threat to Brazilian democracy with the Pope. Pope Francis commented: «that coup comes from the capitalists».

The fact is that we all are tired of so much corruption, justly denounced, and of the delays in the process of impeachment.

No one knows where are we going. Something seems clear: that the social design, mounted since colonialism and slavery with the wealthy casts that were affirmed in power, be it in society or in the structure of the State, is coming to an end.

In times of darkness, such as the present, we need a minimum theoretical framework that brings us light and some hope. The late Arnold Toynbee gives me guidance. He was the British historian who wrote ten volumes about the history of civilizations. To explain the birth, development, maturity and decline of a civilization Toynbee uses an extremely simple but illuminating test: «challenge and response».

Toynbee says: there are always fundamental crises within civilizations. They are challenges that demand a response. If the challenge is greater than the capacity of the response, the civilization enters a process of collapse. If the response to the challenge is excessive, arrogance and the abuse of power emerge. The ideal is to find the equation for an equilibrium between the challenge and response, so that the civilization maintains its cohesion, positively faces new challenges, and prospers.

Returning to the case of Brazil: The moneyed and the powerful cannot respond to the challenge coming from the bases, that in recent years have grown enormously in consciousness and in demanding their rights. No matter how hard the moneyed and powerful manipulate the data, they know that it will be difficult for them to return to the centers of power by means of elections. Hence the reason for the coup. Demoralized, they have nothing to offer to the new Brazil that has escaped from their control.

The legacy of the present crisis will probably be the emergence of a different kind of Brazil, of democracy, of the State, of other forms of popular participation.

The pains of the present are not those of a moribund at the gates of death, but the birth pangs of another type of Brazil, more democratic, more participatory and more sensitive to overcoming the worst wound that fills us with shame: the abysmal social inequality. Finally there will be a more humane Brazil, were we can simply be happy.

Leonardo Boff  Leonardo Boff Theologian-Philosopher  Member of the Earthcharter Commission

Free translation from the Spanish sent by
Melina Alfaro, alfaro_melina@yahoo.com.ar.
Done at REFUGIO DEL RIO GRANDE, Texas, EE.UU.

Silent revolutions: conviviality

With the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and of the socialism that was its counterpoint (independently of its grave internal problems), capitalism ended up occupying all the space in the economy and politics. With Margaret Thatcher’s assumption of power in Great Britain and that of Ronald Reagan in the United States, the capitalist logic acquired free rein: the complete liberalization of the markets with a breakdown of all controls, the introduction of the minimalist state, of privatization and boundless competition.

The so-called, “happy globalization” was not so happy.

Nobel laureate Joseph E. Stiglitz, could write in 2011: «just 1% of the very rich cause the economy and all the planetary functions to benefit their interests» (“Of the 1% by 1%”, Vanity Fair, May 2011). For this reason, one of the biggest multimillionaires, the speculator Warren Buffet boasted: «yes, class struggle exists, but my class, the class of the rich, is the one leading the struggle and we are winning» (CNN 2005 interview).

It so happens that all the rich types failed to include in their calculations the ecological factor, considering the limits of the natural goods and services as worthless externalities. This also occurs in the economic debates in Brazil, which is behind on this issue, with the exception of a few, such as Ladislau Dowbor.

Alongside the global hegemony of the capitalist system, silent revolutions grew everywhere. They are the base groups, scientists and others with an ecological sense who are teaching alternatives to this way of inhabiting planet Earth. If it continues pitilessly stressing the Earth, she could change and provoke an imbalance capable of destroying a great part of our civilization.

In such a dramatic context arose, “The Coexistence” movement, of groups now including more than 3,200 people all over the world (see http://www.lesconvivialistes.org). They seek to live together (hence, coexistence), caring for one another and for nature, not denying conflicts, but making of them factors of dynamism and creativity. Is the politics of the gain-gain.

Four principles sustain this project: the principle of common humanity. With all our differences, we form one humanity, to be maintained in unity.

The principle of common sociality: the human being is social and lives in several types of societies, whose differences must be respected.

The principle of individuation: even though social, each one has the right to affirm his/her individuality and uniqueness, without harming the other.

The principle of ordained and creative opposition: those who differ can legitimately oppose, but always being careful not to making the difference into inequality.

These principles imply ethical, political, economic and ecological consequences that will not be detailed here.

What is important is to start: to begin from below, with bio-regionalism, with small units of organic production, with generating energy from waste, with a sense of self limitation and just measure, living a frugal consumption and sharing among all. The silent revolutions are gathering energy to be able, in a determinate moment of history, to make the great transformation.

It is important today to accentuate conviviality because presently there are many who no longer want to live together.

Conviviality as a concept was put in circulation by Ivan Illich (1926-2002) in his book Tools for Conviviality, 1973, (La convivialidad, 1975). Illich was one of the great prophetic thinkers of the XX century. An Austrian, he lived great part of his life in the two Americas. Conviviality to him consisted of the capacity to make coexist the dimensions of production and of caring; of efficiency and compassion; of mass producing products and creativity; of liberty and fantasy; of multidimensional equilibrium and of social complexity: all to reinforce the sense of universal belonging.

Conviviality also claims to be an adequate response to the ecological crisis. Conviviality can avoid a real planetary crash.

There will be a new pact or nature with the Earth, and of the social between the people. The first paragraph of the new pact will be the sacred principle of self limitation and just measure; after, the essential caring of all that exists and lives, gentleness with humans and respect for Mother Earth.

It is possible to organize a good society, an Earth of the good-hope (Sachs and Dowbor) where people prefer cooperation and sharing instead of competition and limitless accumulation.
Leonardo Boff is Philosopher and Theologian

No Pope has gone that far in condemning capitalism

Michael Löwy is a Franco-Brasilian sociologist and philosopher who knows well Latin-American Christian thinking. It is good to hear his voice in this interview he gave to the «Correio da Cidadania» on June 21, 2016. Here is part of that interview:

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The encyclical letter «Laudato Si’» directly attacks the capitalist system. What does that mean coming from a Pope?

Bergoglio is not a Marxist and the word «capitalism» does not appear in his Encyclical. But it is clear that to him, the dramatic ecological problems of our times result from the «interactions of the present globalized economy», interactions that create a global system, «a structurally perverse system of commercial relations and property». What for Francis are these «structurally perverse» characteristics? First, it means a system where «the unlimited interests of business» and «a questionable economic rationality» predominate, an instrumental rationality whose sole objective is to increase profit. To Francis, this perversity is not unique to this or that country, but to «a world system, where speculation and the principles of the maximization of profits, and search for financial profitability predominate, one that tends to ignore all context and impact on human dignity and the environment. Through this, the intimate relationship between environmental, and human and ethical degradation, is manifested» Other perverse characteristics of the system are its obsession with unlimited growth, consumerism, technocracy, the absolute dominion of money and deification of the market. In its destructive logic, everything is reduced to the market and the «financial calculus of cost/ benefit». But we know that «the environment is one of those things that market mechanisms are incapable of defending or adequately promoting». The market is incapable of considering the qualitative, ethical, social, human or natural values, namely, the «values that exceed calculation». The “absolute” power of speculative financial capital is an essential aspect of this system, as was revealed by the recent financial crisis. The commentary of the Encyclical is forceful: «saving the banks at all cost, and making the people pay the price, confirms the absolute dominion of the financial sector, with no future, and that can only generate new crises after a long, costly, and seeming cure». Always relating the ecological and social questions, Francis shows that: «the same logic that makes drastic measures to reverse the trend towards global warming difficult precludes attaining the objective of eradicating poverty». There is in the Catholic Church a long tradition of criticism of liberal capitalism, or of the “excesses” of capital, but no Pope has gone as far in condemning capitalism as Pope Francis.

What can the Theology of Liberation teach the leftists of the world, considering its different currents of thought?

In the first place, the Theology of Liberation teaches us that religion can be something other than a simple “opiate of the people”. Moreover, Marx and Engels already foresaw the possibility of religious movements with an anti-capitalist dynamic. The left must treat religious convictions with respect, and consider leftist Christian militants as an essential part of the movement to emancipate the oppressed. The Theology of Liberation also teaches us the importance of ethics in the process of concientization, and of the prioritization of work with the bases, together with the popular classes, in their neighborhoods, their churches, their rural communities, and in their schools.

Is the Catholic Church in Brazil aligned with Pope Francis?

A large part of the Bishops of Brazil’s National Conference of Bishops, CNBB, is aligned with Francis. Some wish that he would go even farther. Others think that, to the contrary, Francis is endangering the doctrine of the faith, and they try to obstruct his proposals. But the Brazilian Church, despite her limitations, particularly with respect to the rights of women over their own bodies -divorce, contraception, abortion- is one of the most progressive in the Catholic world.

If put into practice, the «Preferential Option for the Poor», a framework of ideas and practical actions contrary to the logic of the present political and economic system towards accumulation and retention of capital, clearly would result in violent confrontation. What, in your opinion, would be the position of the Pope towards this?

The Church traditionally seeks to «avoid» violent confrontation. But in the 1968 Conference of the Latin American Catholic Bishops in Medellin, an important resolution was adopted that recognizes the right of insurrection of the people against tyrannies and oppressive structures. As we know, some members of the clergy took their libertarian option and commitment to the struggles of the poor to its logical conclusion, participating in the armed struggles for liberation. That was the case of Camilo Torres, in Colombia, who joined the Army of National Liberation, (Ejercito de Liberacion Nacional), and died in combat in 1966. A few years later, a group of Dominican youth gave their support to the National Liberation Action, ALN, led by Carlos Marighella, in the struggle against the military dictatorship. And in the1970s, the Cardenal brothers and several other religious participated in Nicaragua’s National Liberation Front, (Frente de Liberacion Nacional). It is difficult to foresee, at present, what type of «violent confrontations» will occur against the capitalist system, and it is even harder to know, what would be the Church’s position.

Leonardo Boff is Philosopher-Teologian, Earth Comission.